Introduction

In 1837, William Chace served as the corresponding secretary of the Rhode Island Anti-Slavery Society, an organization founded in 1835 by the prominent Rhode Island Quaker Arnold Buffum. Chace wrote to Dorr, who was running for Congress as a Constitutionalist in the August election, in order to obtain his views on slavery. Before he penned his reply, Dorr copied Chace's original questions.

Letter

Your letter of July 18th, pro-
posing several questions to me “as a candidate for the suffrages
of the people of Rhode Island, to represent them in Congress,” and in
behalf of those of our fellow citizens, “who are associated for the extinct
ion of slavery” was duly received.

The Questions are

1. “Do you believe that Congress has the right to abolish
   slavery in the District of Columbia?"


2. "Do you believe that Congress should sustain unabridged
   the right of the People to petition for the Abolition of Slavery &
   the Slave-Trade in the District of Columbia?"


3. “Do you believe that Members of Congress should sustain,
   by their influences & vote, the prayer of those who petition for the
   Immediate Abolition of Slavery & the Slave-Trade in the District
   of Columbia?"


4. “Are you in favor of or against the annexation of Texas to the
   United States?"

To which I reply,

1. I have no doubt that Congress has the right to abolish slavery
   in the District of Columbia. The terms of the cession of the

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   District of Columbia contain, and could contain, no restriction of the powers of
   Congress; the National Legislature not being authorized by the
   Constitution to accept of any cession which did not include the
   right “to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever.”

2. It is the undeniable right of the people to communicate
   freely with their representatives in Congress, in such manner
   as they may see fit, either by memorial, petition, or otherwise;
   although the form of petition from the people to their representatives
   is better adapted to monarchical than to Republican institutions.
   It is the plain duty of the Representative to present these communica-
   tions to the body of which he is a member; and it is the equally plain
   duty of that body respectfully to receive and to entertain them, without
   stopping to determine whether the suggestions or requests which they
   contain are constitutional, expedient & popular, or the reverse. A fair
   judgment upon the merits of each application will depend on the usual
   reference & inquiry. Slavery & the Slave-Trade in the District of Col-
   umbia are subjects of deep and increasing interest to the people; and
   the right not only of discussing these subjects freely, but of making known
   the opinions formed upon them to the Representatives in their individual
   & collective capacities needs no argument to enforce it. It ought to be
   sustained by Congress without qualification or abridgement. The late pro-
   ceedings of the House of Representatives of the United States toward
   petitioners for the abolition of Slavery & the Slave Trade in the District can
   only be characterized as disrespectful, arbitrary, and unconstitutional. The freedom
   of speech, of the press, & of making known to the representative body, with the
   assurance of proper consideration, the opinions of their Constituents, or of
   any portion of them, are all great branches of Public Liberty, which
   ought to be jealously, faithfully, & resolutely guarded by the people. Gag-
   Laws & Resolutions, whether originating in Rhode Island, or at Washington,

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   bear the same marks of treason, and deserve a common fate.




3. I believe that a candid investigation of American Slavery in all its
   nature and bearings will satisfy most men that it ought to come to an end;
   and, further, that there is no more danger in bringing it to an end im-
   mediately, than there is in terminating any other act or system of injustice.
   Abolitionists contend that the right of property in man ought to cease
   without delay; and that the rights and duties of the slave should be re-
   mitted to the custody of the law. They seek to bring about this result
   by addressing themselves to the mind & heart of the people both in & out of the
   slaveholding communities. They are encouraged by the history of the last
   fifty years in believing that all social evils have an ultimate & sure remedy
   in the power of public opinion, when it becomes sufficiently enlightened. At
   the right state of this opinion the necessary legislation on the part of the
   Slaveholding States will follow as a matter of course. But so far as
   Slavery is a national evil it admits of & requires a national remedy.
   The non-Slaveholding States are responsible for its existence in the Dis-
   trict of Columbia to the extent respectively of their representative power in
   Congress; and they can only be relieved from this responsibility, when Slavery
   & the Slave-Trade, so far as they fall within the range of national legisla-
   tion, shall have become extinct; and the sooner they are relieved the better.

   
   

   The Slave-Trade of the District exhibits nearly the same
   horrors as the foreign trade, which has been made piracy as law, as it has
   always been in fact; and, if Members of Congress will do their duty, by sus-
   taining, with their influence & votes, the prayer of those who petition for the
   immediate abolition of Slavery & the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia, the
   deepest stain now resting on the national character will be speedily ef-
   faced.




4. Asides from the question of slavery connected with the annexation of Texas to the

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   United States, it might be seriously doubted whether any farther addition to
   our immense territory is desirable or expedient. But the main question, and
   one which cannot be mistaken, now is – Shall a new state be admitted
   into the Union with sufficient territory to make four or five other Slave States,
   and, as necessary consequences, shall a preponderance be secured to the Slave
   States, the day of emancipation be indefinitely postponed, and a perpetual lease
   be extended to a noxious and fearful institution, which will thus be fast-
   ened upon the vitals of the country? In such a question both philanthro-
   py & patriotism demand of every free citizen the interposition of a decided
   & prompt negative. Desiring to be numbered among such citizens I am
   against the annexation of Texas to the United States.

Questions

Does Dorr believe that Congress had the authority to deal with slavery in the District of Columbia?

Why was the acquisition of the independent country of Texas a political issue in 1837?